Climate Change Politics in Canada - ACS Publications - American

Chapter 9

Climate Change Politics in Canada

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Kowan T. V. O’Keefe* University of Toronto, 27 King’s College Circle, Toronto, Ontario, Canada M5S 1A1 *E-mail: [email protected].

In recent years, Canada’s federal government has passed little meaningful legislation to fight climate change. A number of Canadian provinces, on the other hand, have enacted noteworthy statures—British Columbia, Ontario, and Quebec among them. Since the federal election in October 2015, the newly formed government has shown a more proactive policy on climate change. Canada played a key role in securing the Paris Agreement at COP 21, in stark contrast to the obstructionist position Canada had taken under the previous government. This chapter will examine and compare the climate change policies of Canadian federal and provincial governments, and examine a unique set of challenges and opportunities for Canada arising from the effects of climate change in the Arctic.

Lifetime Unachievement Over the years, Canada has developed a poor reputation on the global stage when it comes to the role it has played at the United Nations climate change conferences. Canada has often been referred to as an obstructionist and a laggard in these international climate change negotiations, actively working to stall progress toward a cleaner, more sustainable future. This reputation was earned in large part over the decade in which Stephen Harper’s Conservative government was in power, as climate action was not one of their priorities. In December 2014, I had the great opportunity to represent the American Chemical Society at the 20th Conference of Parties (COP 20) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in Lima, Peru. In my experience at COP 20, I spoke with delegates from countries around the globe, and whether I was talking with the ambassador to the UN from Palau, a Brazilian © 2017 American Chemical Society Peterman et al.; Climate Change Literacy and Education The Science and Perspectives from the Global Stage Volume 1 ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2017.


member of parliament from Rio de Janeiro, a marine scientist from Sweden, a specialist in remote sensing from Japan, or a delegate from Bangladesh, there was one thing they all said when we started talking about Canada’s role in combating climate change—that Canada needs to stop standing in the way of progress and do more to support the global agenda. Their criticism is not misdirected, especially when you consider the fact that Canada is one of the highest per capita emitters of greenhouse gases in the world (1). One of the most enjoyable events that takes place each day at the COP is the Fossil of the Day presentation. After a long day of negotiations, side events, and press conferences, the international Climate Action Network (CAN) puts on a satirical presentation in which they give an award to the country that is doing the most to do the least, is the best at being the worst, and is doing the most to stall the negotiations. On the final day of COP 20, Canada was awarded the third place Fossil of the Day. They won it for “plenty of underhand work stalling the talks and refusing to make any commitments.” In addition, the Canadian government delegation in Lima claimed that Canada was, “on track to meet their 2020 emissions reduction targets,” while back at home, the government was continuing to push the expansion of Canada’s oil industry (2). These two courses of action are inherently at odds. Canada’s third place Fossil of the Day on the final day of COP 20 was not by any means their first such award. Canada has the most infamous history of any country when it comes to “winning” these awards. From Copenhagen in 2009 (COP 15), to Warsaw in 2013 (COP 19), Canada won more Fossils of the Day than any other country (3). At the end of each COP, the CAN awards the Fossil of the Year, also known as the Colossal Fossil, to the country that has been awarded the most Fossils of the Day at that year’s COP. When I was at COP 20 in Lima, it was the first time in six years that Canada didn’t get the Fossil of the Year, as Canada had the dubious distinction of being the recipient of the award each of the five years prior. It should be noted that this was not due to Canada’s improvement in performance at COP 20, but rather Canada didn’t win because they had become more and more irrelevant on the global stage regarding climate action with each passing year as a result of the lack of effort shown by the Canadian government to deal with climate change. Also, another major factor that contributed to Canada not winning the Fossil of the Year in Lima was the fact that Australia tried really hard to win it (2). COP 19 was an especially rough one for the Canadian government, as they were directly responsible for Canada winning two special Fossils from the CAN. The first-ever Lifetime Unachievement Fossil was given to Canada for their poor climate change policies (4). But that was not all, as Canada was also awarded the first-ever Fossil of Disbelief for publicly voicing support for then-Prime Minister of Australia, Tony Abbott, and his government’s attempt to do away with their Carbon Tax in 2013 (5). I realize that there are many issues that a government has to attend to, and I’d like to take a moment to point out that my criticism is of the Harper government’s handling of a particular issue—climate change—and not a criticism of his government as a whole. I would have liked to see his government take action on climate change instead of opting for the business-as-usual policy of inaction. 116 Peterman et al.; Climate Change Literacy and Education The Science and Perspectives from the Global Stage Volume 1 ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2017.


At this point, you are probably wondering what in the world Canada did to earn such a poor reputation globally when it comes to taking action on climate change. Perhaps the most obvious reason for this was Canada’s decision to formally withdraw from the Kyoto Protocol in 2011. Looking back, Canada was actually a key player in the development of the Kyoto Protocol that was agreed upon in 1997, and then-Prime Minister, Jean Chrétien and his Liberal government ratified the accord in 2002. In the Kyoto Protocol, Canada had committed to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions by around 6% each year from 2008-2012, compared to total emissions from 1990 (6). However, during the lead up to the 2006 federal election, Stephen Harper voiced strong opposition to the Kyoto Protocol (7). He repeatedly opposed the imposition of binding emissions targets unless they were also imposed upon developing countries such as China and India, which were both exempt from legally binding requirements to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions under the Kyoto Protocol. This sentiment was also shared by the United States, a major economic partner to Canada. In December 2011, just one day removed from the United Nations climate change conference in Durban, South Africa (COP 17), then-Minister of Environment, Peter Kent, announced that Canada would be formally withdrawing from the Kyoto Protocol (8). His main argument was that without the world’s two biggest emitters of greenhouse gases, the United States and China, the Kyoto Protocol could not work as a fair framework to reduce global greenhouse gas emissions. He further argued that as a result of knowing that Canada would not meet its Kyoto targets, it was necessary to withdraw in order to avoid penalties to the tune of approximately $14 billion (9). I remember watching Canada disavow the Kyoto Protocol on the news, and I felt embarrassed to be Canadian. It would be an understatement to say that the international community was not happy with this decision by the Canadian government. I understand that there were financial reasons as to why they withdrew—about 14 billion reasons to be exact—but this troubling predicament could have been avoided if the government would have honored their commitment to reduce emissions by enacting climate and energy legislation that would have allowed the country to have a chance to meet its targets. While the Kyoto withdrawal was probably the biggest reason that Canada’s climate change efforts have been held in such poor regard at the international level, there are other notable factors that have contributed to this as well. During the Harper government’s time in power, there were numerous reports of muzzling of government scientists, particularly those engaged in climate-related research. They were not allowed to speak with the media or collaborate with other scientists outside of Canada unless they obtained permission from the government, which was often denied anyway. If they did something that the government did not approve of, the government would retaliate by cutting their funding. In 2014, the Union of Concerned Scientists released an open letter to Prime Minister Harper that was signed by over 800 scientists calling on him to restore funding for scientific research and freedom for Canadian scientists (10). The tar sands in northern Alberta get a lot of media attention as they have been considered by many to be one of the dirtiest forms of oil in the world (11). The Harper government pushed hard to expand oil production in Alberta, and 117 Peterman et al.; Climate Change Literacy and Education The Science and Perspectives from the Global Stage Volume 1 ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2017.


it eventually became highly politicized in both Canada and the United States when TransCanada proposed the building of the Keystone XL Pipeline. A bill was passed by the United States Congress in 2015 that would have allowed TransCanada to build the pipeline, and it was sent to President Barack Obama’s desk to be signed into law (12). However, the President ended up vetoing the bill, and as of December 2016 the pipeline has not been built. The Keystone XL Pipeline saga is as clear an example as any of how polarized climate change has become politically. It should be noted that Stephen Harper’s reasons to withdraw from the Kyoto Protocol are rational. The fact that China and India did not have to commit to binding emissions reductions is also one of the primary reasons that the United States never even ratified it in the first place. As such, it was difficult for the Harper government to commit to reducing emissions, because it was competing with high-emitting countries that either never ratified Kyoto, or were not required to commit to binding emissions reductions at all. When one considers these points, it’s understandable from an economic point of view why he still pushed the extraction of oil from Alberta’s tar sands and continued to give subsidies to the fossil fuel industry, despite the fact that the previous government had committed the country to reducing greenhouse gas emissions under the Kyoto Protocol (13). Politicians often disagree on a wide range of things—such as immigration reform and government spending—and healthy debate often takes place over the issues of the day, but one issue in particular that has not overwhelmingly divided politicians is the debate concerning the validity of science. For example, you never hear a politician today try to argue that smoking does not cause cancer, or that a poor diet does not increase your risk of heart disease, or that E=mc2 is not a good measure of mass-energy equivalence. But, whether climate change is happening, and whether we are significantly contributing to it, has actually been fiercely debated by some politicians in Canada and the United States. This is despite the fact that the overwhelming majority of the scientific community agrees that climate change is happening, and that we are significantly contributing to it (14). In order for progress to be made, this has to change. Our elected officials cannot afford to be wrong on climate change, and they have a responsibility to the people they represent to heed the advice of the experts on any given issue, which in this particular case is the scientific community. Of all of the things I learned at COP 20, perhaps the most surprising was that with the exception of Canada and the United States, the rest of the world does not appear to debate whether climate change is happening and whether or not we are significantly contributing to it. They have accepted the science and are actively trying to implement mitigation and adaptation strategies. If only the politicians in Canada and the United States could follow suit. As a Canadian, and a proud Canadian at that, it was not easy experiencing all of the negativity toward Canada at COP 20 for the role we have played at the UNFCCC COPs over the years. Each morning in Lima, before heading out to catch the bus that would take us to the COP 20 venue, I would affix a Canadian flag pin to the lapel of my suit jacket. As the days of the conference wore on, and as I heard more and more negativity toward my country, I was a little more 118 Peterman et al.; Climate Change Literacy and Education The Science and Perspectives from the Global Stage Volume 1 ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2017.

hesitant to wear the pin. It was a feeling of embarrassment more than anything, but I continued to wear the pin every day, because I felt as if there was no other voice representing the millions of Canadians who believe that our government should be taking stronger action on climate change.


Provincial Climate Change Initiatives Despite the fact that Canada’s federal government has not passed much meaningful legislation geared toward fighting climate change, a number of Canadian provinces have enacted noteworthy statures—British Columbia, Ontario, and Quebec among them. In Canada, the provinces maintain a large amount of power in governing themselves. As a result, most of the action being taken on climate change in Canada is happening at the provincial level, something that many critics of Canada’s federal government sometimes overlook. At COP 20, I met a fellow British Columbian who was speaking at a side event about carbon sinks. I asked him how he responds to others at the COP who are harshly critical of Canada’s lack of action on climate change. He said to tell them that Canada’s provinces have set out most of the environmental policies in Canada that pertain to climate change, not the federal government. Among Canadian provinces, British Columbia has been leading by example in moving forward by taking action on climate change. In 2008, the British Columbia Climate Action Plan was put into force with a commitment by the province to reduce emissions to 80% below 2007 levels by 2050 (15). In 2010, it became North America’s first jurisdiction with a carbon-neutral public sector (16). In addition, almost all local governments in the province have become signatories to the Climate Action Charter (17). As part of this, each local government must report their emissions and plan communities that are more energy efficient, with each having the ultimate goal of becoming carbon-neutral themselves. In 2008, British Columbia implemented a revenue-neutral carbon tax. It was the first of its kind in North America. Upon its inception, the tax was levied at $10 per tonne of CO2e (carbon dioxide equivalents), and each year it rose by $5 per tonne until it was capped at $30 per tonne in 2012 (18). One aspect of a carbon tax that a lot of people don’t like is that it is, by nature, another tax that will eventually raise the price of everything downstream. However, this carbon tax is revenue-neutral, which means that all revenue resulting from it is returned to British Columbia residents in the form of tax cuts, or cheques for their share of the revenue. Personally, I happen to like this feature of the carbon tax quite a bit, as I periodically get a cheque in the mail from the provincial government for my share of the revenue generated by the carbon tax. In oil-rich Alberta, home of Canada’s tar sands, the carbon tax is being implemented in 2017. The initial rate will be levied at $20 per tonne and will then increase to $30 per tonne in 2018. This model will account for 78-90% of Alberta’s emissions. In addition to investing in large-scale renewable energy projects and green transportation infrastructure, the Alberta government will use the revenue from the tax to provide carbon rebates for low- and middle-income 119 Peterman et al.; Climate Change Literacy and Education The Science and Perspectives from the Global Stage Volume 1 ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2017.


families, and reduce the tax rate for small businesses by one third (19). Alberta still has a long way to go with regards to dealing with its tar sands, but initiatives such as these are small steps in the right direction. Ontario, Canada’s most populous province, has enacted some noteworthy statures as well. The province set up a $325 million Green Investment Fund in 2015. The purpose of this fund is to provide money for projects that will create jobs and grow the economy, while also fighting climate change. One of the most prominent initiatives that will be funded is the building of a network of electric vehicle charging stations throughout the province. Funding will also be put toward local environmental groups, supporting indigenous communities, and incentivising homeowners to use less energy (20). In addition, Ontario Power Generation shifted away from coal toward cleaner energy sources in 2014 (21). Along with Quebec, Canada’s second-most populous province, Ontario is putting a limit on total greenhouse gas emissions by implementing a cap-and-trade system in 2016 (22). Under this plan, businesses get their own greenhouse gas emissions quota, and if they can run their business more efficiently and don’t use their entire quota, they can sell the rights to their remaining emissions to businesses that aren’t yet as efficient. The key to this system is that total emissions are capped to a maximum amount, and over time the upper limit is lowered. The cap-and-trade systems in Ontario and Quebec grew out of the Western Climate Initiative (WCI), a non-profit organization that advises jurisdictions on carbon trading strategies, providing administrative and technical assistance (23). The WCI started out as a group of provinces and states in Canada, the United States, and Mexico in 2007 with the goal of taking climate action at the regional level (24). Over the ensuing few years they worked to implement market-based systems to meet their targets. As a result, California, Ontario, and Quebec now have cap-and-trade programs in place, and British Columbia has a revenue-neutral carbon tax. Another interprovincial/interstate initiative is the Pacific Coast Collaborative (PCC), established in 2008, which includes British Columbia and the U.S. states of Alaska, Washington, Oregon, and California (25). The PCC’s primary goal is to develop strategies for dealing with economic risks associated with climate change by coordinating their provincial/state-level policies to achieve broader sustainability goals (24). The jurisdictions in the PCC account for more than 55 million people and a total GDP of $3.2 trillion USD (26–29). The premier of British Columbia and the governors of the four U.S. states are working together to develop policy frameworks geared toward goals such as the implementation of low-carbon transportation infrastructure, generating investments in renewable energy, and creating an environment for a sustainable regional economy (25). With Canadian provinces and U.S. states holding a fair degree of power to implement their own energy and environmental policies, is it possible that these kinds of interprovincial/interstate climate initiatives could be a successful platform on which we can still move forward on climate action in the absence of federal leadership?

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Navigating the Challenges and Opportunities in the Arctic One part of the world where the effects of climate change are particularly evident is in the Arctic. When most people think about climate change in the Arctic, inevitably one of the first images that comes to mind is that of a polar bear balancing on a small piece of ice. Without question, the effect of climate change on animal species in the Arctic and around the world is certainly alarming and of the utmost importance. However, there are many other pressing issues to consider with regard to climate change in the Arctic, as changes in this part of the world are relevant to Canada, the United States, and other nations that hold a large stake in the region. Going forward, these actors will play a key role in shaping the geopolitical situation there. The Government of Canada’s official Northern Strategy lists four priority areas, two of which are very relevant to climate change. The first is a commitment to exercising their Arctic sovereignty, which entails everything related to territorial claims and the other issues that go along with that, including the potential for natural resource development, and legal concerns regarding the soon to be navigable Northwest Passage. The second priority is protecting their environmental heritage, especially the fragile ecosystems at risk from a changing Arctic (30). At COP 20, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) reported that the average temperature in the Arctic has risen more than twice as fast as the global average temperature (31). In that same timeframe, there has been a substantial reduction in the extent of the Arctic sea ice during the summer months, when it is at an annual minimum. According to the IPCC, we will likely see an ice-free summer in the Arctic before 2050 if we do not curb our current rate of greenhouse gas emissions (32). To put that into perspective, that’s before the majority of today’s college students will turn sixty years old; if that isn’t a strong indication as to the immediate seriousness of this situation, I don’t know what is. These changes have already spurred interest in some of the unique challenges and opportunities arising from the effects of climate change in this part of the world. One opportunity resulting from a melting polar ice cap is the opening of the Northwest Passage and the Northern Sea Route. The Northwest Passage winds through the Canadian archipelago in the Arctic, and with a shrinking polar ice cap, it will soon be possible to regularly pass ships through these waters. As these waters become navigable, it will dramatically cut the distance that ships travel between Europe and the western coast of North America. In the fall of 2016, a cruise ship sailed through its waters (33). On the other side of the Arctic Ocean, we find the Northern Sea Route, which hugs the Siberian coastline in Russia. Here again, as it becomes more viable to pass ships through these waters on a regular basis, we would see a huge reduction in the distance that ships travel from Europe to the eastern coast of Asia. Since 2011, small numbers of ships have passed through the Northern Sea Route during the summer months, prompting Moscow to set up an office that specifically deals with issuing shipping permits for commercial vessels seeking passage through their Arctic waters (34). With the advent of ships sailing through these passages, 121 Peterman et al.; Climate Change Literacy and Education The Science and Perspectives from the Global Stage Volume 1 ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2017.


one would expect a reduction in traffic and waiting times at both the Panama and Suez Canals. Another reason that many nations have a keen interest in the Arctic is its treasure trove of natural resources. It has been estimated that the Arctic is home to about 30% of the world’s undiscovered natural gas, as well as around 13% of the world’s undiscovered oil reserves, the equivalent of approximately 90 billion barrels of oil (35). In addition, there are large deposits of diamonds and other minerals (36). As the Arctic thaws, these resources will become more accessible for extraction. Of course, without major advances in clean energy technology or carbon-capture and storage technology, it would be counterproductive to harvest the enormous fossil fuel reserves in the region. Otherwise we will dramatically reduce any chance we have at limiting average warming to below 2 °C globally by the end of the century (37). Perhaps the most challenging aspect of climate change in the Arctic is the impending settlement of territorial claims that different nations have made in the region. At present, there are a handful of disputed areas that two or more nations claim to be within their territorial waters (38). The settlement of these sovereignty claims will have a huge impact on how shipping permits are issued for the Northwest Passage and the Northern Sea Route, as well as who has the rights to the plentiful natural resources under the sea floor. In the instance of two or more nations having disputed territorial claims, what often results is a disagreement concerning legal rights of passage, and ownership of natural resources. Moreover, a strain in relations between the nations involved usually results from such situations. In order to understand this, one has to look no further than the tension in the South China Sea over China’s actions in building an artificial island in an attempt to claim more of the South China Sea as their own, even though their new claim overlaps with the territorial claims of other countries (39). The Arctic nations are sure to be keeping a close eye on how things play out in the South China Sea—the outcome is critical, because its precedent could play a role in how things ultimately shake out in the Arctic. The boldest move by any country so far in the Arctic has been by Russia when they used a submersible to plant a Russian flag on the sea floor of the North Pole in 2007 (40). This move was met with condemnation from a number of countries in the region, Canada and Denmark in particular, as they each claim the North Pole to be within their sovereign waters (41). Since 2007, the Russians have been heavily expanding their military capabilities in the Arctic, which has included the reactivation of a number of Soviet-era military bases (42). In response to Russian military expansion, the Norwegians have reassessed their Arctic strategy and increased their presence in the region (43). Canada is building permanent military installations in the Arctic, as well as participating in joint military exercises with the United States, and collaborating more closely with them (44). In the spring of 2015, Russia carried out a massive Arctic military exercise with about 40,000 troops (45). Shortly thereafter, the Canadian Forces responded with a smaller Arctic military exercise of their own (46). Despite more serious disputes between nations over Arctic sovereignty, there has been some good-natured disagreement over territorial claims in the region. Hans island—a small, rocky island that lies half in Danish territory and half in 122 Peterman et al.; Climate Change Literacy and Education The Science and Perspectives from the Global Stage Volume 1 ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2017.


Canadian territory—has been a source of disagreement between the two nations. While there have been some minor political differences over sovereignty of the island, there is a humorous side to the story as well. Whenever the Canadian military sails by, they leave a bottle of Canadian rye whiskey and a sign that says “Welcome to Canada.” The next time the Danish military sails by, they take the bottle of whiskey and leave a Danish flag and a bottle of schnapps for the Canadians (47). Looking ahead, one diplomatic vessel that may be relied upon to solve disputes in the region is the Arctic Council, comprised of the five Scandinavian nations plus Canada, Russia, and the United States (48). Each year, the Arctic Council meets to engage in dialogue concerning Arctic-related issues. However, as the Arctic becomes more accessible, as rich natural resource deposits are tapped into, and as sovereignty claims are settled, there is the possibility that tensions between the nations involved could become strained, ultimately leading to a much more complex geopolitical situation in the Arctic.

A New Hope The Canadian federal election in October 2015 saw Stephen Harper’s Conservative majority in the House of Commons replaced by a Liberal majority, with Justin Trudeau becoming Canada’s 23rd Prime Minister. During the election campaign, climate change was one of the issues that got a lot of airtime. In fact, when I was watching one of the Leaders’ Debates, a full 30 minutes was devoted to debating issues revolving around the environment, energy, and climate change. The newly-elected prime minister showed his recognition of climate change as an important issue by renaming the title of the Minister of Environment to the Minister of Environment and Climate Change—a first in Canadian politics at the federal level (49). Also, government scientists in Canada finally feel safe talking about their research publicly, something the old government suppressed, but the new government encourages (50). Under the new federal government, Canada played a much more proactive role at COP 21, in stark contrast to the obstructionist role that Canada has been known to play over the years. Prime Minister Trudeau extended invitations to all opposition party leaders, as well as to all of the provincial premiers to join the Canadian delegation to COP 21 (51). Canada’s Minister of Environment and Climate Change was even chosen as one of the 14 environment ministers from around the world tasked with facilitating the final negotiations at COP 21 that ultimately led to the adoption of the Paris Agreement (52). It should be noted that Canada still won a Fossil of the Day in Paris for not having ambitious enough emissions reduction targets for 2020 (53). In addition to becoming a signatory to the Paris Agreement, Canada has also made climate pledges at the G20, where nations have committed to phasing out subsidies for the fossil fuel industry (54). In June 2016, at the North American Leaders’ Summit, Canada, Mexico, and the United States announced a new climate deal that commits all three countries to generating half of their electricity from clean sources, and phasing out fossil fuel subsidies by 2025. In addition, the three 123 Peterman et al.; Climate Change Literacy and Education The Science and Perspectives from the Global Stage Volume 1 ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2017.


nations committed to decreasing methane emissions and investing in clean energy projects to help workers that may lose their jobs in the transition from fossil fuels to clean and renewable energy sources (55). In their National Climate Action Plan, Canada’s federal government has committed to setting ambitious emissions-reduction targets, and implementing measures that will help the country reach those goals. This includes collaborating with the provinces and territories to give them the freedom to implement their own carbon pricing strategies, and providing them with the necessary financial resources to fund those programs (56). The government has also hinted that they will work with the provinces to implement a national price on carbon. As part of the new government’s National Climate Action Plan, member’s of parliament are engaging the public through “People’s Climate Consultations” in the form of town hall sessions in communities across the nation (57). The government wants its citizens to have a say in the process. I think it is encouraging that they are giving Canadians the opportunity to have their voice heard in a nationwide discussion, and it’s refreshing to have a government now that not only recognizes that climate change is a serious problem but also appears to consider climate action as a priority. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is also the Minister of Intergovernmental Affairs and Youth. He is working to reach out to young Canadians, who are not represented in government, as virtually all politicians are from older generations. At the time of this writing, the implementation of the first ever Prime Minister’s Youth Council is underway. The purpose of this initiative is to establish a council of young Canadians, between the ages of 16 and 24, who will serve two-year terms advising the Prime Minister on issues affecting young Canadians (58). One of the key issues on the agenda will be climate change. The prime minister is not the only one who recognizes the value of the ideas that today’s youth can bring to the table. The Secretary-General of the United Nations, Ban-Ki Moon, says that the youth of today are the “last generation that will be able to put an end to climate change (59).”Engaging the youth of today is going to be critical in the struggle toward combating climate change, especially because today’s politicians are much older than we are and may not have as much motivation as we do to take action. Social media is a powerful tool that needs to be used to its full extent to engage as many young people as possible and to increase climate literacy among the general public. Attending COP 20 was inspiring. Even though the vast majority of delegates were many years older than I was, the young people who were there were a very proactive bunch. Our voices were being heard. It was inspiring to see others who care about our future as much as we do and want to have a stake in the decision-making process to make the world a better place for us all. Combating climate change is an endeavor that is bigger than any one of us, bigger than any one community, and bigger than any one nation—we are all in this together. It was clear to me that all of the nations at COP 20 had a clear understanding that something needs to be done to fight climate change. Despite the lack of effort on the part of Canada, the nations of the world laid the foundation for the Paris Agreement by agreeing to a new bottom-up framework that would require all countries to submit national climate action plans, also known as Intended 124 Peterman et al.; Climate Change Literacy and Education The Science and Perspectives from the Global Stage Volume 1 ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2017.


Nationally Determined Contributions (60). This framework ultimately became the cornerstone of the Paris Agreement that was adopted at COP 21 (61). We do have reason for hope that the Paris Agreement can work. The world has come together in the past to agree to the Montreal Protocol, which addressed the effect of chlorofluorocarbons and similar compounds on ozone depletion in the atmosphere (62). The nations of the world collectively worked to reverse the damage we had done. It was a much simpler problem than climate change, but we showed that we can do it. Now, we must mobilize our collective efforts and do it again to ensure that the Paris Agreement has the intended consequence of reducing greenhouse gas emissions and putting the world on track toward a more sustainable future. In order to do this, we need to change the political narrative from “is it really happening?” to “what are we going to do about it?” Today, every vote is a climate vote. We need to elect officials who accept the science and will actively put forth solutions to fight climate change. It is also critical that once they are in office, we hold them accountable to their promises and demand action. We have to be persistent. We also need to get more young people interested in, and excited about, public service, as our voices need to be heard at the highest level. For the first time in my adult life, there is hope that the Canadian federal government will finally take steps to fight climate change, and a sense of cautious optimism that Canada is done with playing an obstructionist role on the global stage. It is too early to be certain of what the outcomes will be, but we must hold them accountable to their promises and their talk about fighting climate change to ensure that it is transformed into action and legislation that ultimately have a positive impact on our planet and our future. Canada has the opportunity to transform itself into a global leader in fighting climate change. I sincerely hope that Canada can seize this opportunity, because as President Barack Obama said in a speech to the Canadian Parliament in June 2016, “The world needs more Canada (63)!”

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