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T H E J O U R N A L OF I N D U S T R I A L A N D ENGINEERING C H E M I S T R Y
NATIONAL RESEARCH COUNCIL AND U. S. TARIFF COMMISSION ADDRESSES September 25. 1917
INTRODUCTORY B y B. C. HBSSE, of the General Chemical Company
The program of this evening is admirably adapted to illustrate and emphasize the relations that may and do exist between abstract scientific knowledge on the one hand and the realities of every-day life on the other. Not that abstract scientific chemical knowledge is alone so concerned, for there are many others that will occur to you, and I need merely remind you of Faraday’s electromagnetic theory of light of 1845 together with the purely mathematical investigations of Maxwell in 1864 on the one side, and of the Hertzian waves of 1888 and Marconi’s wireless telegraph in 1896 on the other side. Some sixty years ago, an English youth, still in his ’teens, pursuing an abstract scientific problem, encountered an unexpected and astounding result and upon this he built an industry, which has since developed into gigantic proportions, but whose enormous influence and importance were not convincingly impressed upon the general public until the present World War. I refer, of course, to the present-day coal-tar chemical industry in all its ramifications into every-day life all over the world. This, however, was by no means the only case in which the peoples of the world were rudely awakened. Of the many results of that awakening, two will be discussed to-night. Suddenly and even violently confronted with the actual reality of our dependence, both direct and indirect, upon foreign countries for a great many things in common and widespread use, the general public became most insistent in its demand, first, t o know why such a condition had been permitted to grow up, and, second, to have that condition permanently abolished a t the earliest moment. Analysis of the situation disclosed that in the first of these two demands there were a t least two general classes, the first class comprising those cases whose importance was recognized and for which all, or substantially all, needed raw and similar materials were available from domestic supplies, but whose utilization in such domestic manufactures was discouraged by domestic consumers of such manufactures, or by our Federal legislators or by both combined; in the second class were those cases whose real and interlacing importance did not sufficiently impress themselves. A first approach t o an answer to the public demand as t o why this condition was permitted is as to how it grew up; it grew up through our own acts of omission because as we built up our industries we did not, as a Nation, seriously, systematically and persistently study what effect sudden deprivation of the non-domestic materials employed in those industries would have on our Nation as a whole, and then act to prevent or minimize such effects; that applies to our citizens, to our Federal officials, and to our Federal legislators. Just why this condition existed is not easy of explanation but, no doubt, a large contributing factor was the general disbelief in a war of present-day proportions and effects. If I am correct in my conclusion that this dependence grew out of this general disbelief in such a war then I am probably correct in deducing therefrom that the second public demand, permanently and immediately to abolish that dependence, is based upon a public belief in a possible recurrence of such a war and public determination not again to be so disadvantaged, in such an event. I n that view it becomes necessary constantly to determine what things not made in this country must be made here; then to determine the best way of making them; next to decide what measures, Federal or otherwise, are needed to make them permanent and, finally, t o carry out the necessary program. To help solve the first two sections of this program, namelywhat to make and how, the National Research Council was
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created; to aid in solving a part of the third section of this program, the United States Tariff Commission was created by Act of Congress in September, 1916. For products of and for our chemical industry the Chemistry Committee of the National Research Council has taken over the burden and the Tariff Commission has provided for expert chemical direction and execution in its technical staff. The National Research Council is largely a volunteer offering of our citizens; the Tariff Commission is the contribution of our Government. Since our citizens and our Government have so determinedly and so sagaciously joined forces we may confidently look forward to lasting results of untold value to our country; i t is a sure way to make a democracy lastingly more efficient than a n autocracy. THE NATIONAL RESEARCH COUNCIL
While the immediate work of the National Research Council is necessarily directed towards helping to remove present defects in our means of national defense, yet it ultimately will be engaged in helping to determine the best course of development of the whole country and the best way t o effect it. We may, therefore, expect that the influence of the National Research Council will ultimately penetrate and benefit every branch and division of our national activities. However, its work cannot last if the country does not continue to develop men and women who are capable of research work and, therefore, a collateral field of influence of the National Research Council will be to assist in keeping our technical schools, universities and colleges a t the very forefront of educational efficiency. Finally, we may confidently expect that the National Research Council will be the very efficient “eyes of the Nation” by keeping close watch on all scientific and technical progress all over the world, discerning our own national advantages in developing selected portions for ourselves and in coordinating our efforts for such national development. THE U. S. TARlFF COMMISSION
Among the Federal measures that influence our domestic development is the treatment we accord foreign products a t our ports-that is, our tariff policy. The primary purpose of a tariff-levy is governmental funds; in normal times our customs receipts are almost one-half the total ordinary receipts of the U. S. Government; a subordinate purpose is to foster and enlarge domestic industry by wise and far-sighted adjustment of customs rates and a t the same time not unfavorably t o affect the cost of living. Heretofore, such industries as employ much labor have by preference been fostered by our customs policy and in comparatively rare instances only has any other test of eligibility to tariff help been applied; the test of the measure of such protection has been from “difference in cost of production plus a fair profit” upward to all the traffic would bear. I n 1916,Congress created the third of our tariff commissions t o help it solve the problem of customs rates fairly and equitably to all. At the same time, Congress greatly increased the difficulty of that problem by enacting what i t intended and expected to be a set of customs rates on materials and products of the coal-tar chemical industry of such dimensions as to make importation unprofitable and domestic production profitable. Such rates had theretofore been consistently refused by Congress for more than 30 years because such a n industry employed relatively little labor and its products were raw materials for so many domestic manufactures that not only would our cost of living be advanced but our competitive ability curtailed by such duties. This tariff of 1916says in effect that, since the work of z,ooo,ooo of our people can be interfered with because 7000 other people are not here making things indispensable to the z ,ooo,ooo, we must have that industry here even if it employs only 7000 people; or, in other words, “key industry products” must be made in the United States.
Nov.,
I917
T H E J O U R N A L OF I N D U S T R I A L A N D ENGINEERING CHEMISTRY
The problem that now confronts the Tariff Commission is to get together all the material and facts so that Congress can enact a tariff that will provide half our ordinary government receipts, will not unfavorably affect the cost of living, will expand our domestic industry to its maximum and will prevent its being crippled because of failure of the usual channels of international trade. THE “CHEMICAL
SCHEDULE”
In order that (.he Tarif? Commission may properly discharge its duties to Congress it is necessary for it to have comprehensive and complete detail information on a vast multitude of different subjects and items so arranged and so coordinated that it will lend itself to the treatment to which the Commission must submit it before a report to Congress can be made. For the purpose of so collecting and collating information the Commission has established a technical staff comprising specialists in the various technical branches involved. Among such specialists there is a chemist. In reading our tariff enactments, the all-pervasiveness of things chemical is very striking; but only recently has that impressed the general public and obtained recognition from Congress. The chemists’ interests do not end with Schedule “A,” which deals largely with chemicals and with so much of the Free List as relates to things allied to those of Schedule “A,” but they permeate almost each and every one of the fifteen schedules of the Act. Obviously, the chemist member of the Technical Staff of the Tariff Commission must examine a host of industries not ordinarily looked upon as chemical in addition to the very large number of industries that are acknowledged to be chemical in greater or smaller degree. His task is most difficult and its successful execution will require much farsighted, patient and diligent labor on his part and the frankest and fullest cooperation of our industries. NATIONAL RESEARCH COUNCIL, CHEMISTRY COMMITTEE SECOND REPORT By MARSTOX TAYLOR BOGERT Chairman Chemistry Committee, National Research Council Being the subject matter of addresses delivered by the writer a t the 55th Meeting of the American Chemical Society. Boston, September 1 I . 1917, and a t the Third Exposition of Chemical Industries, New I‘ork. Septembel 2 ,1917
In the preliminary report of the Chemistry Committee of the National Research Council,’ the organization of the Council and of its Chemistry Committee was explained fully, and an attempt was made t o point out some of the many ways in which such an organization could hope to be of service t o the country in normal peace times. Before that article could be published, our country joined in the World War, and it became necessary immediately for the Chemistry Committee to concentrate its attention upon matters relating to the security and defense of the nation. It seems desirable, therefore, after the past months of experience under these new conditions, t o submit a second report, which shall epitomize what has been accomplished since the previous one, indicate the lines along which we are advancing, present some of the difficulties confronting us, and in general endeavor to depict the situation as we see it. And so it may not be amiss a t the outset to direct attention to certain matters which concern all loyal Americans vitally and the truth of which is borne in upon us daily, not because there is any new thought embodied in these statements but because they appear to need constant iteration and emphasis. I M P O R T A S T G E N E R A L CONSIDERATIONS
I-The seriousness of the situation should not be underestimated. We are a t war with one of the most efficient, if not the most efficient, nation in the world, a nation which has been preparing for the stiuggle for forty years and is concenI
J . Amer. Chem. Sac.. 39 (1917), 841-855.
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trating every resource t o the achievement of its purpose, Of the many misiakes already recorded in this war, none has proven more disastrous than that of underestimating the strength of the opponent. a-The duration of the war is a matter which no living being can forecast. The only safe plan is that adopted in England, where preparations are being made always for two years more of war. No matter how long the war may last, England’s preparations will be always for two years beyond it, and we should not be one whit less forehanded. 3-Speed in getting ready to do our share is of the utmost importance. France is admittedly a t the maximum of her man-power and gaps in her ranks can be filled only with difficulty. It is not likely that England can increase her present fighting strength sufficiently to provide the necessary preponderance to secure a decision upon the western front. The only great increase in fighting strength €01- our Allies there must come from the addition of Ameiican armies, and until such troops arrive in sufficient numbers the outcome of the struggle still hangs in the balance. h-ot only men are needed, but supplies and equipment of all kinds as well, and meanwhile submarines are steadily reducing the number of vesseIs avaiIable as transports and freighters. 4-The extent to which we are willing to work together and to make such sacrifices as are necessary for the common good will, in large measure, determine our success or failure. This applies not only to individuals, but also to corporations and t o municipal, state and federal officials. Pettiness and selfishness will, in the long run, defeat themselves, and, if sufficiently wide-spread, may defeat our country. As Benjamin Franklin said many years ago: “IYe shall either hang together or hang separately. ” 5-Loyalty. The time has come when everyone must take his stand clearly and unequivocally in the ranks of loyal Americans or with the enemies of our country. There is no neutrality or “twilight zone” for those cIaiming United States citizenship. If it were necessary to emphasize the fact that spies are abroad in our land the Chemistry Committee has in its possession ample evidence of the work of such traitors. It is well to make clcar also that what in normal peace times might be passed by as cavilling criticism may now be sedition, and what was formerly regarded as wrong-headed opposition to our country’s laws and administration may be treason to-day, and such expressions should be so recognized and promptly silenced. 6-The brains of the country should not be squandered by permitting highly trained specialists, inventors and men of genius to enlist in the rank and file of the army for duties which could be satisfactorily discharged by men whose loss would not so seriously impair the offensive and defensive power of the count:y. Under the exigency of the moment, both England and France allowed men to go to the front a t the outbreak of the war who should have been retained a t home a t all costs; such men as Mosely, for example, cannot be replaced, and both France and England are feeling a t the present time the loss of the scientific experts who went to the front. As soon as the situation permitted, both countries sent thousands of scientists and skilled artisans back from the front t o the aid of the industries a t home, realizing very quickly that modern warfare depends absolutely upon industrial organization and efficiency. It has been stated upon creditable authority that England alone has recalled from the fighting line over 128,000 of such men. It takes time, however, to bring this about and we should be careful to retain a t home those who can serve their country and our Allies more effectively here than in France. All that any loyal American asks is that he be employed by his country in that particular line,of work for which he is best qualified and where heLcan helplmost. Skilled men of all kinds are needed in both the-army and the navy, and in the case of the younger
