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INDUSTRIAL A N D ENGINEERING CHEMISTRY
Vol. 16, No. 1
EDITORIALS Voices HE first message to Congress was delivered in person by Washington on January 4, 1790, and after his time messages were read by a clerk until Wilson’s administration, when the custom of appearing in person before the representatives of the people was revived. Thanks to the accomplishments of modern sciences, it has remained for a man who is most often described as silent to deliver a Presidential message, not alone to the members of Congress, but to literally millions of citizens a t the same tipe. It is still to be demonstrated whether radio will enable the President thus to establish with the nation that impressive and intimate relationship which his personal appearance before Congress gives him. The message itself has been received favorably in practically all quarters, not only because of its decisive clearness, but because people see in the issues which it raises questions of such importance that it would seem as if nothing could prevent the enactment of legislation to achieve the indicated purposes. But because our Government is conducted along party lines, the voice of the people must be heard by their representatives a t this time more than a t any other, if anything is actually to be accomplished. Some doubt whether even the demands of a constituency can force action under present circumstances. I n common with Great Britain, we face the fact that no party has such a majority as will enable it to do business. The minority refuses to take responsibility, and a small group, regardless of the parties whose representatives they were elected to be, apparently intend to prevent the responsible majority party from discharging its duties. For those of us who are unfamiliar with the* sacredness of party politics, it is incomprehensible that the intelligent members of all parties cannot act together on legislation that is agreed to be beneficial and progressive and render impossible such a situation as has already developed in the present Congress. One of the important steps to be taken is that of tax reduction, for which there is every argument and a universal demand. We have but to listen t o the advice of other countries to have this point emphasized. Last spring Sir Eric Geddes said of England, “Our country is being taxed out of existence. Trade is being strangled by the drainage avings that should provide capital that is the lifeblood of country.” Our own Secretary of the Treasury, than whom there is no more capable member of our Cabinet, has presented a plan based upon cold statistics, and points out that the lessening of tax burdens can be counted upon to stimulate business and to give a new economical impetus that may even increase total receipts with lower rates. And yet for the sake of personal and party advantage there are those in the present Congress who would defeat this legislation and will undoubtedly do so unless public opinion can be aroused to an unprecedented activity. The same is true of other important proposed steps. That minor legislation has an unusual opportunity in Congress threatened with the deadlock of major issues is apparent. We wonder what further complications in our laws may result from another deluge of legislation. More than 4000 bills were introduced the first few days of Congress, many being of the so-called pork barrel variety, many others simply absurd. The British Parliament enacts an average
of 150 laws a year, while a t the last session of Congress and the sessions of the 48 State legislatures something over 12,000 new laws were passed. I n another recent year these bodies were called upon to consider 60,000 bills, of which some 2000 were vetoed and 15,000 added to the already overburdened statute books. Under the general method of introducing bills by request, good-natured members of legislatures and of Congress are persuaded to introduce bills on many subjects which are both radical and foolish. Not only is no careful selection made among pending measures, but we are well acquainted with the last minute rush of legislation which typifies the actions of all legislative bodies. This being a Presidential year, we may also expect a number of the usual fruitless investigations. This would seem to be a good place to practice economy, for seldom is anything to which the people can point as a return for the expenditure gained by these inquiries, The committee appointed to determine whether or not there is a dye monopoly in this country has not yet published its report. Its findings were stated unofficially, but for some unexplained reason the chairman refused to take action a t a time when it would have been most helpful to all concerned. Some one with a grievance, or who desires to pose as a champion of the people or of some element in his constituency, makes charges which, if true, would be interesting, and gets himself appointed the chairman of an investigating committee. Of course he has to make some report. The Senate expended in 1922, $125,000 in various inquiries and investigations, and at the same time the House appropriated $226,370. During 1923 the Senate set aside $100,000 for such purposes and the House $150,000. For 1924, $100,000 has been provided by the Senate, while the House has provided for the expected spurt in such activities by appropriating $190,000. This sum is an improvement over 1920, the high-water mark, when the House spent $425,324 and the Senate managed to get on that year with $160,000. What has come of all this expenditure? Little more than interference with constructive work delayed by diverting the energy of Government employees. The House probe into war expenditures cost $150,000. One group of members toured the South; another, the Pacific Coast; a party of nine went to Europe. Investigation of Mexican affairs cost $58,000; the so-called money trust, $61,277; the Ford-Newberry contest, $32,000; the housing corporation, $14,000; the shipping industry, $15,284; investigation of reports of executions of members of our Expeditionary Force, $14,000; and coal profiteering, $26,000. Contrast the benefits from this outlay of money with what might have been accomplished had these sums been added to the real scientific investigations frequently starved in the Government departments through inadequate and meager appropriations! It is really no wonder that many political students contend that we have yet to demonstrate that our form of government can be made successful, and that it is only our great wealth of natural resources which has made it possible for this nation to weather the storm thus far. Something more than talk must be brought to bear upon changing some of our practices in government before we reach the point in the utilization of resources which brings us into still greater competition with better management. If you expect improvements in congressional action, some concerted effort “back home” must be made to obtain it.
