Mel Gorman
Univers~tyof Son Froncisco Son Froncisco, California 941 17
Sir William Brooke O'Shaughnessy: Chemist in a Colonial Environment
O n e of the general problems in the history of science is a studv of the diffusion of European science into colonial cultu& (1). Unfortunately, fkv historians of science have addressed themselves to this aspect of their discipline, with the result that only the broadly obvious means of transmission are evident; namely, that science was carried along in some general way by military, economic, political, and missionary enterprises. But scholars cannot be satisfied with such vague generalizations. They must know what fields of science were represented in the new land, who were the scientists involved, their educational, background, motivation, standing in the European scientific community, and the nature of their contributions. In this paper an attempt will be made to elucidate some of these points by considering the activities of one man in the field of chemistry in the second quarter of the nineteenth century in British India. Numerous studies such as this must be undertaken before any valid synthesis can be made of the factors affecting the dissemination of Western science into foreign lands. During the nineteenth century many physicians, because of their universality of outlook, versatility, and scientific curiosity, were able to contribute to a variety of fields outside of medicine. I t is true that not many developed into a latter-day Joseph Black, hut nevertheless they were in the vanguard of science, even if a t times considerably to the rear of the scientific leaders. Such a man was William Brooke O'Shaughnessy (2), Irish by birth, Scottish by education, and Anglo-Indian by choicc of career. He was born in Limerick in 1809, took his medical degree a t Edinburgh in 1829, and joined the army as assistant surgeon in the East India Company's service in 1833, stationed a t Calcutta. I n 1843 he was made a Fellow of the Royal Society (3). He remained in India a t his medica,l and scientific duties until he retired to England in 1SG1, a t which time he changed his name to William O'Shaughnessy Brooke. He died in Southsea, January 8, 1889, of senile asthenia. He is best remembered in England as the founder and director of the telegraph system in India, for which he was knighted in 1356. I n addition, during his thirty years in India he made contributions to botany, chemistry, pharmacology, philology, physics, journal editing, medical education, and the development of batteries, electric motors (4), and lightning rods (5). However, this paper is confined to his chemical activities before Based on a paper read before the 1)ivision of History of Chemistry at the 134th National Meeting of ihe ACS, Chicago, Septeml w , 1967. The author wishes to thank Miss Joan Lmeaster and her staff, India Office Ilecords, Commonwealih Office, London, and the Commit tee on Research of the University of San Francisco.
1850, after which most of his efforts were devoted to the development of the telegraph. - . Early Training and Career
Only fragmentary information of O'Shaughnessy's early years is available. I t is known that he was living in Ennis, County Clare, Ireland, in 1827, for in that year he gave this location as his home when he matriculated a t the University of Edinburgh during t,he 1827-28 session. He was graduated M.D. on July 13, 1829 (67,but registered again in the following session, 1829-30. I n 1829 he was clinical assistant to Dr. William Alison, professor of medicine a t Edinburgh. I n 1830 he was lecturing and demonstrating forensic chemistry and medicine to a private class of nineteen candidates for the medical degree a t the University of Edinburgh. During this period he initiated some toxicological research and published his results on the detection of nitric acid (7) and iodine and potassium iodide (8). In late July or early August, 1830, he moved to London, and there continued his private teaching and research in medico-legal jurisprudence, concerning himself with the influence of thiocyanates on the analysis of opium (Q),the detection of inorganic poisons such as litharge, lead chromate, mercuric sulfide, and others used as coloring for candy (lo), and the significance of naturally occurring copper in organic material from the standpoint of analysis in suspected poisoning and food adulteration (11). During this very beginning of his research career, the young O'Shaughnessy manifestod a trait which was to prove characteristic of all his scientific activities; namely, a challenging of the authorities in a field, either by chiding them for not being up to date, or modifying their procedures, or exposing their mistakes. Thus, in the above mentioned articles on nitric acid and iodine, he criticizes and corrects the widely used text of D. B. Reid, "Practical Chemistry," and the standard authority on poisons in the English language, "A Treatise on Poisons in Relation to Medical Jurisprudence, Physiology, and the Practice of Physic," by Robert Christison, professor of medical jurisprudence a t Edinburgh. Within a few years aft,er his arrival in India, O'Shaughnessy interested himself in electrochemistry. He relied chiefly on Faraday's electrical work, but was familiar with the contributions of Davy, Biot, GayLussac, Hare, and others. After becoming acquainted with Crosse's experiments (12) and inspired by a paper of Mullins (IS), O'Shaughnessy decided to construct a t the Rledical College, Calcutta, a battery of 1000 Mullins cells (modified Daniel1 cells) a t a cost of 2000 rupees for carrying out original researches in electricity Volume 46, Number 2, Februory 1969
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and electromagnetism. He presented his plans to the April 1, IS37 meeting of t.he Calcutta Medical and Physical Society (Id), and then proceeded to demonstrate the ability of twelve Rlullins cells to decompose water, hydrochloric acid, and aqueous potassium iodide, and to melt platinum and iron (15). After this spectacular display, an enthusiastic member moved that the society contribute 500 rupees, and the affirmative vote was unanimous. The rest of the money was obtained from the Governor-General and others, and O'Shaughnessy began constructing his battery in the latterpart. of April, 1837 (16). He performed many experiments of the type being carried out by dozens of other investigators in Europe and America (effects of temperature, barometric pressure, electrode surface, etc.), but since so few of them were acquainted with Ohm's law (17) very little correlation of results was possible from the vast accumulation of experimental detail. But O'Shaughnessy made one notable advance in the construction of the Daniell cell. Originally, Daniell and other investigators using his type of cell had employed bladders and other animal membranes to separate the two electrolytes. Such separators were very troublesome due to fragility and decay. After much frustration with various membranes, O'Shaughnessy tried tanned sheepskin, and found it to be very superior. I t could not be torn and the tanning process rendered it virtually impervious to rotting. His experiments were made much more expeditiously after this discovery. From the discussions accompanying his experimental results, it is evident that O'Shaughnessy had made a commitment on the theory of galvanic action. At the time, a controversy was raging between the scientific descendents of Volta who advocated the contact theory, and the followers of Davy and Faraday who championed the theory of chemical action. O'Shaughnessy was convinced of the latter view, and thus chose the sidc which eventually would be victorious. He explained to his readers in India Faraday's first law in terms of chemical equivalents; i.e., if the zinc electrode of a battery decreased in weight by 32 g the quantity of electricity produced would electrolyze water to yield S g of oxygen and 1 g of hydrogen. He took R'Iullins to task for stating that the zinc plate in an operating cell of the Daniell type undergoes very little chemical action. O'Shaughnessy refuted Mullins, demonstrating that the zinc not only lost weight, hut lost it quantitatively according to Faraday's law. I n another series of experiments, he showed that if two identical zinc electrodes react in a cell, the weight loss by each is onehalf the number of equivalents lost according to Faraday's law. O'Shaughnessy helped spread the use in India of all of the terms adopted by Faraday in the field of electrochemistry-electrolysis, electrode, anode, cathode, ion, and electrolyte (18). Toxicological Investigations
O'Shaugnessy's role in the transmission of new chemical ideas to India is well illustrated by his interest in the Marsh test (19). Early in 1836, James Marsh of the Royal Arsenal, London, published his procedure for the det,ection of arsenic by conversion to arsine and subsequent formation of elemental arsenic and arsenic trioxide (20). Bccause of its great sensitivity, the 100
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Marsh test caused a flurry of excitement in Britain and the continent. Such famous names as Berzelius, Liebig, Dumas, Regnault, and ThBnard, and a number of lesser figures, were associated with modifying and evaluating the test. Members of the British community in Calcutta were able to share in this excitement because of O'Shaughnessyls insight to the toxicological applications. In his own words (21) : The moment I read Mr. Marsh's notice I at once saw its extraordinary value. I showed the process at Government House the evening of the day on which I read it,. That week I applied it in the investigation oi t,wocases of arsenic poisoning received into the Police Hospital, and I was subsequently ths first to publish the practical results of its applicat,ionin legal analysis.
The demonstration referred to was performed early in December, 1836, a t one of the regular scientific soirees sponsored by Lord Auckland, governor-general of India (22). O'Shaughnessy also gave a demoustration a t about the same time to the members of the Calcutta Medical and Physical Society (23); in addition, as editor of the Journal of this society, he reprinted Marsh's article from the London Medical Gazette (24). Rlurder by arsenical poisoning has been a practice in many countries, with white arsenic (arsenic trioxide) being a favorite compound used. However, in early nineteenth century India, yellow orpiment (arsenic trisulfide) was a common commodity in the Indian bazaars, and its easy availability made it a convenient means of doiug away with people. In 1838, O'Shaughnessy was requested by the police authorities to examine the stomach contents of a young woman who died as a consequence of eating poisoned curry (25). He found a large amount of the easily recognized orpiment present, but the Marsh test proved negative. Here again was a problem peculiar to the colonial situation, and O'Shaughnessy met it very simply by dissolving the sulfide in nitric acid, after which he detected arsenic very easily. I t is also interesting to note that he confirmed the interference by antimony, as pointed out by Thompson (26). However, O'Shaughnessy went beyond Thompson, inasmuch as he realized the toxicological implications of the interference, because tartar emetic (potassium antimony1 tartrate) was used in the treatment of suspected arsenic poisoning. Contribution to Metallurgy
During the first half of the nineteenth century the increased use of iron hulls for sea-going vessels made the corrosion of iron by sea-water a matter of great practical interest. O'Shaughnessy worked on this problem (27) by first ascertaining the rate of corrosion, over a six month period. He found that the loss of iron was 5 grains/ft2/day. He also investigated the effects of temperature and density of sea-water from different locations. Next he considered the means of preventing corrosion. He found that the galvanic action of zinc could be used to protect the iron. The corrosion of 60 grains of zinc daily protected 100 f t ? of iron. Increased surface of zinc resulted in more corrosion of the zinc but without giving greater protection to the iron. Consequently, he concluded that zinc protectors should be massive, but of small surfacc. Hc tried other metals, but only cadmium offered more superior protecting
power than zinc. Of course, this was too expensive for actual use on vessels. He tried the efficacy of various protective coatings and found that the best was a mixture of coal tar and asphalt. While none of these experiments was novel in any way, they do show that O'Shaughnessy's study was in line with the work of others in the field, as can be seen from the fact that his results are practically identical with those of Robert Mallet as reported to the British Association in 1840 (28). One of the necessary attributes of the colonial seientist is the ability t o adapt and modify standard procedures to conditions on the frontier. This is illustrated very simply but effectively by O'Shaughnessy's work in the East India Company's mint a t Calcutta beginning in 1845 (29). Prior to this the refining of silver for coinage was accomplished in India by the centuries old cupellation process. But the circumstances surrounding the operation were complicated by the presence of two nonscientific factors. First, according to regulations, all furnace fires in the Calcutta mint had to he shut down each day a t 4:00 P.M., making the process economically wasteful. Secondly, there was a serious pilferage problem (SO). As O'Shaughnessy picturesquely expressed it; "silver is apt to acquire the volatility of mercury" in the presence of native workmen and overseers (31). The length of time required for cupellation, the large amount of space needed, and the number of employes required, together with t,he dense smoke that filled the furnace room all were conducive to the stealing of silver. To overcome this ~ituat~ion O'Shaughnessy looked into the saltpeter process in which silver and potassium nitrate were melted in an earthen crucible. This type of vessel was regarded as essential to the success of the purification. However, because of the density of silver, such crucibles had to be relatively small so that they could support the weight of the metal. O'Shaughuessy mentions one London refiner whose batches were limited to 30 lb. This scale was entirely too small for the huge quantities of bullion produced in India. So he decided to use castiron pots, each capable of holding over 300 lb of silver. The impure silver granules were heated t,o red heat and a funnel shaped depression hollowed out in the center with an iron rod. Into this hollow was thrown two pounds of saltpeter, which melted and percolated through the mass of silver, oxidizing impurities. Aftcr a few minutes the whole contents of the pot were thoroughly stirred, another depression made in the silver, and another batch of sakpeter added and the process of st,irring repeated. After five to seven additions of saltpeter the purification was repeated and the temperature was raised. The liquid scum of oxidized impurities was ladled off and the molten silver was poured into molds. By following this procedure, only spent saltpeter came in contact with the iron pot, and the latter was uninjured and could be reused. The saving in time was remarkable. To produce coinage silver in the value of 10,000 rupees in the Calcut,ta mint by cupellation tool; six weeks, but with saltpet,er this was accomplished in four hours. Also, due to this speedup, opportunities for pilfering before the cast silver was locked in a vault were reduced to a n insignificant amount. On one day, (September 4, 184G), 5,883 Troy pounds of pure silver were produced, leading
O'Shaughnessy to claim, "I believe 1 am just,ified i n asserting that in point of rapid it,^, economy, and quantity, t,his day's refinage has never been equalled in ally refiniugestablishment in any part of the world" (32). O'Shaughnessy also directed his attention to the problem of buying silver bullion and coin from the rulers of native states. The transactions had to be effected a t points far removed from Calcutta, Bombay, or Madras, and officcrs in charge needed a simple procedure for the analysis of any such silver offered for sale. The two common methods then in use, assaying by cupellation or by precipitat,ion of silver chloride, were out of the question. The officers would not have had t,he skill to carry out these operations, and the apparatus could not be easily transported. So O'Shaughnessy investigated a procedure based ou dissolving the silver in nitric acid, precipitading it with metallic copper, and weighing (35). Once again he manifested his habit of quant,itative thinking by comparing the accuracy of t,he cupellation process wit,h his method. Assayers claimed results for cupellation agreeing within two-tenths of a per cent. O'Shaughnessy found his method was accurate only to one per cent, and would have been worse if the losses in manipulation were not balanced by inclusion of some copper in the precipitated silver. Consequently, he emphasized that his met,hod was only an approxinlat,e one, but its simplicity rendered it entirely adequate for on-the-spot purchases. Only two chemicals, nitric acid and copper, and a set of portable scales were required, and t,he results ohtainable precluded t,he possibility of any gross fraud 011 the part of the sellers. Analysis of Guncotton
O'Shaughnessy's chemical acumen was demonstrated in the matter of identifying the newly discovered guncotton (34). I n 1845-46 Christian Schoenbein (1799-1868), professor of chemistry a t Base1 from 1829 until his death, had prepared guncotton (cellulose nit,rate) using a concentrated nit,ric acid aud sulfuric acid mixture and had shown its adaptability as a military and industrial explosive (35). He then proceeded to demonstrate his product publicly and to distribute samples t,o chemists so t,hat they could investigate its explosive properties. He did this for the sake of advertising, but he kept t,he method of preparation secret,, for he intended lo secure an English patent,, and eventually did so (96). I n September, 1846, W. R. Grove gave a demonstration of guncotton provided by Schoenbein before the British Associat,ion (57) and in October, 1846, the British Government financed a series of tests on the military uses of the new explosive, which were very successful, and were performed in t,he presence of Sir James Hogg, President of the East India Company. I n the meantime, a small sample had been sent to Calcutta, hut with no descriplion as to its composition or mode of preparation. O'Shaughnessy was given one grain of the new compour~dto analyze and then prepare his own product. At that time, a grain was au exceedingly minute quantity for analytical work in a colonial outpost, but O'Shaughnessy exploded a small particle in a closed vessel, and annlyzcd t,hc gaseous product,. On exposure to air it gave reddish-brown fumes by the action of oxygen on nitric oxide, : ~ n don passage througll limewater gave a precipitate of cnlcium Volume 46, Number 2, February 1969
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carbonat,e, thus cstahlishing the presence of carbon dioxide. Surmising that t,hc nitrogen was introduced into the cotton by nitric acid, he treated a small sample of cotton with a mixture of concentrated nitric and sulfuric acids, and in December, 1846, obtained a product which he proved by its chemical 'nd physical propert,ies to be identical with Schoenbein's guncotton. He established its stability by noting that it could not he exploded by an electric spark or by a single Leyden jar, and t,llat it would not explode until it was heated to 375'F. He recorded t,hat frict,iori between wooden or metallic surfaces would not cause decomposition unless this temperature was exceeded. Compression likewise could not induce an explosion. Then he developed a process for production on a pilot plant scale, with due att,entiori being given to cost arid safety. After lengthy ordinance trials with many different.types of firearms, O'Shaughrressy concluded that guncotton was technically feasible as a military explosive, but economically too expensive. However, he gave his unqualified recommendation for its use in tiger hunts, because it is practically smol;eless. It is interesting to note that Shoenbein misint,erpreted the use of sulfuric acid, but that O'Shaughnessy did not. Schoenbein regarded this acid as a. derivative of sulfur dioxide and hydrogen peroxide, and as such should have marked oxidizing powers. This is correct, but it does not function this way in nitrat,ions. But O'Shaughnessy recognized the more corrcct function of this acid hy saying: The use of s ~ ~ l f n racid i e is simply by its powerful affinity for water to wit,hdraw this flnm the carbon of the cotton; no pore n i s into the eompositio~~ tion of this acid or its c a ~ w t i t ~ ~ ~enters of the now uxplosive compom~d.
The Silver Chloride Electrode
Perhaps OJShaughnessy's most important contribut,iori to chemistry was his i~rventionof the silver chloride electrode, a component of a battery he developed for telegraphic purposes prior to 1851 (38). The latter consist,^ of metallic silver coated with solid silver chloride as one electrode and a zinc plate as the other, both immersed in the same zinc chloride solution. This arrangment is superior to Daniel1 t,ype cclls because both reactants (silver chloride and zinc) are solids and there is only one electrolyte. As a measure of O'Shaughnessy's colonial isolation from the maillstream of science, it is int,erest,ing to note that t,his same cell was invented independcnt,ly by three other investigators, but a11 much h e r t,l~anhis. One of these was Warren de la Rue (1815-SS), English astronomer, chemist,, and physicist, who used lai.ge numhers of t,hese cells in the study of gascous discharge. During the nineteenth century this cell was known as "de la Rue's cell." Act,ually, his first cell was made cightcen years after O'Shaughnessy's, arid de la Rue did not even learn of O'Shaughncssy's priority in the matter until tmentyeight years after the first invention. Today the silversilver chloride electrnde is an import,ant t,ool in chemical thermodynamics and in t,hc analysis for chloride ion. Thus, by the diversity of his activities in various branches of chcmist,ry, O'Shaughitessy assisted greatly in thc dissemination of European chemical ideas and practices in India in the second quarter of the nineteenth century. His independent and critical att,itude towards previous work, his capability of adapt,ing 102 / Journol o f Chemical Education
laborat,ory procedures to the materials and conditions a t hand in a colonial environment, and his insistence on quantitative aspect,s of chemistry, all contribut,ed towards getting the science of chemistry moving in India a t a high level. Literature Cited (1) BAB.\LL.+, G., Science, 156,611 (1967). (2) For biographical details see "llietionary of National Biography," Oxiord University Press, Oxford, 1938, Yol. 14, p. 1204; Bo~sl:, FREDICRICK, "Modern English Biography," Nethertan and Worth, Truro, 1897, Vol. 2, p. 1270; B U C K L ~ NC. D , E., "l)iet,ionary of Indial, Biography," Swann Sonnenschein and Co., London, 1906, p. 324; CRAWFORD, I). G., " R ~ l of l the Indian Medical Service, 1615-1930," W. Thacker and Co., London, 1930, p. 106; FOSTER, JOSIIPH, "Peerage, Bsronetsge, and Knightage," Nichols and Sons, Weqtminister, 1880, p. 660; /,ondon Times, January 11, 1889; Proc. Roy. Soe. London, 46, xviii (1889); Telegraphic 3. and Electrical RPV.,24, 68 (January 18, 1889); Hampshire Post (Portsmouth), January 18,1889. (3) "Record of the Royal Society," AVorrison and Gibb, Ltd., Edinburgh, 1940, p. 469. (4) GOEMIN,M., Technology and Culture, 9, 184 (1968). ( 5 ) GORMAN. M.. Isis. 58.96 (1967). (6j "List of ;he &ad&& in bledicinein the University of Edinburgh from 1705-1866," Edinburgh, 1867, p. 88. I am indebted to Mr. Charles Finlayson, Keeper of Mannscripts, Edinburgh University Library, for information on O'Shaughnessy's university education. (7) O'SHAIIGHNE~SY, W. B., Lancet, 11, 330, 4.52 (1829-30). (8) O'SHAUGHNEBSY, W. B., Lancet, 11,633 (1829-30). See also J. G.. " E S S ~ Yon S theEffect of Iodine in Scrofdous LUGOL. ~)iseasks," iranslaied by ~ ' S H A U O H N E S W. S Y , B., S. Highley, London, 1831: in an appendix (pp. 211-216) O'Shaughnessy describes the preparation, properties, and adulterat,ion of various metallic iodides. (9) ~'SHAUGHNESSY, W. B., I ~ n c e lI,, 33 (1830-31). (10) O'SHAIJGHRI-SSY, W. B., I,aneel, 11, 193 (1830-31). (11) ~ ' S H A T J G H N I ~W. S SB., Y , I,ancet, I, 806 (1830-31). (12) PHILLIPS,RICHARD, Annals qf Elect~icify,1, 133 (1836-37) describes the work of Andrew Crosse in his electrical laboratories near Taunton. (13) MULLINS,FRI~DERICK W., Phil. Mag., 9, 283 (1836). (14) Hurkaru, April 8, 1837, reprinted in Calezdta Monthly Journal, 3rd ser., 3, 279 (January-June, 1837). (15) O'Snnuom~.:ssu,W. B., Quart. J . Calcutta Medica1,and Physical Soc., no. 3,425 (1837). (16) O ' S ~ a u ~ ~ n . r . W. s s ~B., , Quart. 3 . Calcutta Medical and Physical Soe., no. 4 , 4 8 4 (1837). (17) OHMannounced his law in a limited edibion of a book, "Die Galvmische Ket,te hlathematisehe de Bearbeit,et," T. H. Riemsnn, Berlin, 1827. I t remained practically unknowti L. PIIIHCE, "Michael until the 1840's. See W~LLIMG, Farnday," Basic Books, New York, 1964, pp. 210, 224-z.5. (18) ~'SH.\UGHNIISSY, W. B., "Notes of Lectures on Natural Philosophy, First Series on Galvanic Electricity," Baptist .Mission Press, Cdcut,ta, 1841, p. 43. (I!)) WI:BSTI:H,A. H., J. CHIIM.EDUC.,24,487 (1947). (20) X L H S HJ., , London Medical (hrelle, 18.6.50 (1836). (21) O'SH.AL'GHNESSY, W. B., "Manual of Chemistry" (2nd Ed.), Ostell & Lepage, Calcutta, 1842, p. 249. (22) Calcutla Cou~ier,December, 8, 1836, reprinted in Calculla Monthly J . , 2,619 (July-December, 1836). (23) Calcutta Monthly J . , 2, G24 (July-December, 1836). (24) Mnsrr, J., Quart J . Calcutta Medical and Physical Sac., no. 1, 66 (1837). (25) ~'SHAUGHNI:SSY, W. B., 3 . A8ialicSoc. Bengd, 8,147 (1839). (26) THOMPSON, L.,Phil. Mag., 10, 353 (1837). (27) O ' S ~ a u c ~ ~ cW. s s B., ~ , J. Asiatic Soc. Bengal, 12, 1067 (1843). (28) "Keport of the British Association," 1840, p. 221. (29) ~'SHAUGHNI:SSY, W. B., 3. Asiatic Soc. Bengal, 16, 557 (1847). (30) STAGO,H., 3. & Proe. Asiatic Soc. Bengal, Numismatic Supplement, New Series, 26,15 (1930).
( 3 1 ) ~'SHAUGHNESSY, W. B., J. Asia1.i~ Sac. Bengal, 16, 566 (1847). ( 3 2 ) ~'SHAUGHNESSY, W. B., J. Asiatic Soe. Bengal, 16, 562 (18471. O ' S H I U ~ H N E S G Y , W. B., J . Asiatic 8 0 ~ .Bengal, 16, ,566 (1847). ~'SHAUGHNESSY, W. B., J . A ~ i a l i cSOC.Bengal, 16, 177 (1847). O I C ~ P ERALPH R, E., J. CHEM.EDTIC., 6 , 677 (1920); KAHLBAUM, G . W. A,, .\ND SCH.\I:R,E., "Christian Friedrich Schoenhein." i n " M o m e-r a . ~ h i e n ans der Gesichte der Chemie," (Erlitor: KAHLB.LUM, G. W. A , ) J. A. Bart,h, Leipsic, 1901, 1-01, 6, pp. 100-78: KAHLB.\UM, G. W. A,, "The Lettenr of Jons Jskoh Berseliw and Chris-
tian Friedrieh Schocnhein," Williams & Nargnte, Lolldoll, 1900, pp. 84-103; K.\HLB.IUM, G. W. A,, .\NDI).\BBISHIRII, F. \'. (Editow), "The Letters of F a n d a y m d Schaenheir~." Williams & Nowate. ., , London. 1899. nn. 1.78-I70 Rw n history of the spplieatiow of cellulose nilrntesce WILL, W., Rerichle, 37, 268 (1!104). ( 3 6 ) Brilishpatent 11,407 (1846). ( 3 i ) "llepo1.t of the British Associstiotl," 1846, p. xsvi. ( 3 8 ) India Home Cons,dlations, Naoge 187, 1'01.34, F ~ ~ L I28R I . ~ 1 0 A p ~ i l19, 1851, par. 32, in India Ofice Ilemrds, Commonwealth Office. London. A detailed desrriotio~l is given by OORMAX,II., "Early Histol.y af the Elertl.achemistry of Silver Chloride," Proc. of the Eleventh International Congress qf 1heHi.xIory ojScience, no. 4, 1 3 (1968). ~
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