Breathing Life into Chemists Resuscitating Chemistry with Insights from 19th Century Textbooks Peter G. Mahaffy The King's University College, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada T6B 2H3 My sole object was to include the greatest possible number of facts within the smallest possible space, and to arrange them m a clear and perspicuous manner And though a variety of Chemical epitomes have appeared, . . . I flatter myself, that I may . sav . with confidence. that there is hardlv . anv. of them that contains the same quantity of matter within so small a space
. . . Thomas Thamsan I first address myself to the modest & diffident,who. . . commonly set out with ardaur, and have a high relish for the enjoyment which knowledge affords to the mind, but by the multiplicity and extent of the Science to which they aspire, they are discharged, their ardour cools, and they seek relief from the disagreeable object which the loss of their time oeeasions, in amusement and dissipation. . . . Imagining that their awn Capacity is inferior to the ordinary rate, they suffer themselves to sinkinto a dispiritedinactivity. But did they know the difficulties and labours the greatest men have struggled thro' in their first advances, they would find their own case to be in no way particular
. . .Joseph Black These two quotations represent a pedagogical tension that h a s surfaced sporadically in introductory post-secondary chemistry textbooks in t h e 200 years since the chemical revolution of the late 18th century The first quote, found in t h e preface to Thomas Thomson's 1810 Elements of Chemistn, (1)states a n often used but seldom articulateh "fact-de&ity2' criterion for science textbooks. Such a o ~ r o a c h e sstress the losical mesentation of the data of t h e ' d i ~ c i ~ l i nand e place relatively little importance on presenting t h e history of chemistry; t h e broader social, cultural and economic contexts; or chemistry a s a human endeavor, with its development "inseparably bound up with the fortunes of those who dedicate themselves to it" (2). Thc arcond quote, fi-on1Joseph Black's (1775 lutrorlrict o n Levtun., I:) rt:vrnls an nrrernm lo vlncc the data ofthe discipline i n the context of the personal knowing of both t h e scientist being studied and t h e student. I t demonstrates Black's desire to help students glimpse t h e human side of the "great" chemists, including their failures, so t h a t students might realize they are not alone i n their struggles to understand the complexities of the discipline. This studv robes some of t h e historical roots of this pedagogical"tekion by examining a sample of 19th century introductory chemistry textbooks used i n t h e United States. I t evaluates how the intellectual ferment important to the chemistry of this period is represented in introductory textbooks used in North America, and how t h e textbooks of t h a t century changed a s the discipline became professionalized. The study was carried out to provide some insight into the extent to which the ideal of scientific detachment found in many 20th century chemistry textbooks for science majors (4)has its roots in the textbooks of the previous century. u
Figure 1. Thomas Thomson (Illustration from University of Pennsylvania Library).
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Based, in part, on a presentation to the 11th International Conference on Chemical Education, York, UK. August 1991.
Figure 2. Joseph Black (Illustrat~an from Chemcal Heritage Foundation). Volume 72
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A number of recent studies have concluded that undergraduate science education must be restructured radically to reach women and minorities, and those students who are not selectine science for a career, or who are d r o.p ~ i-n g out of science after taking the criticai introductory courses ( 5 ) . Such students have been referred to a s "the second tier." The loss of "the second tier" from chemistry courses takes a toll both on the availability of future scientists as well a s a scientifically literate general public and electorate. Thus, chemical educators are searching for ways to bring introductory chemistry courses to life to meet the needs of the diverse group of students entering the 21st century (6).I n that context, the present study attempts to bring a historical dimension to discussions of chemistry curriculum reform bv eivine e x a m ~ l e sof textbooks from the 19th century whiEhYsucceededin bringing chemistry to life bv brineins textbook chemists t o life. ~ h k go& e are achieved by examining how the personal dimension of science is conveyed bv the introductorv North American chemistry textbooks o f t h e early 19th Eentury. Personal science has been described a s the often passionate, personal engagement by the scientist in hishkr work. Textbook ~ o r t r a v a l sof personal science are examined to see wheth& the\. migh; contribute to bringkg life to the The primary focus is a t u d m t s ' u n d e r ~ t n n d ~uf~ chemisti?: ~g on t h e extent t o which personal science i s portrayed through textbook format a n d through descriptions of chemical discoveries and controversies. The Historical Setting The first half of the 19th century was a period of cultural and intellectual ferment, i n which the Chemical Revolution of the previous century was taking firm hold both in Europe and in North America. The general state of chemistry and chemical education in the United States during this period has been well described (7). To understand the background of the authors of the chemistry texts examined, and the nature of the intended audience for these textbooks, attention should be drawn to the profound changes in the discioline that occurred as professionalization took place over the course of the century At the beginning of the 19th century, chemistry had little identity a s a profession. Research was carried out largelv bv wealthv individuals. usuallv trained i n medicine. Proponents df the "New chemistry;' were vigorously defending it aaainst all attacks. Where chemistrv wastaught a t the G e r i c a n colleges, i t was placed in t h i context of a broad cultural education with emphasis on its practical applications (8). Some of the textbooks used during this period were tailored to chemistry a s a "parlour science," for the education, amusement, and eniichment of those individuals wealthy enough to afford its pursuit. By the end of the Civil War, chemistry had achieved significant professional status; many colleges, universities, and land grant institutions offered specialized programs in the discipline, taught in many cases by instructors who had trained with Wohler or Liebig i n Germany. The early 19th century textbooks examined here came before any systematic standardization of past-secondary curricula. The rationale and goals for the texts varied ereatlv, from transcri~tionsof university lecture notes. to worksintended for thk amusement and kducation of those persons able to afford the leisurely pursuit of science. By the end of the 19th century, the textbooks examined become more standardized in format and content, with diminishing references to broader contexts. This observation is consistent with Donovan's (9)suggestion that by the end of the 19th century the well-established scientific disciplines such a s chemistry had grown sufficiently in size and importance that they were less obliged to justify their ex-
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Textbooks Examined Joseph Black. Lectures on the Elements of Chemistry, Vol I-Ill, 1st American Ed., 1807. William T. Brande. A Manual of Chemistry, 1st Ed., 1819. J. L. Comstock. Elements of Chemistry, 20th Ed.. 1837; 45th Ed.. 1841; Rev. Stereotype Ed., 1857. Thomas Cooper. The Introductory Lecture, 1812. Josiah P. Cooke. The New Chemistry, 1876,1886 Eds. John W Draper. ATextbook on Chemistry for the Use of Schools and Colleges, 6th Ed., 1848. Robert Hare. Minutes of the Course of Chemical Instruction in the Medical Department of the University of Pennsylvania. Pt 1-111, 1822. Thomas P Jones. New Conversations on Chemistry..Onthe Foundation of Mrs. Marcet's Conversations, 1831, 1849 Eds. Jane Marcet. Conversations in Chemistry. 12th American Ed.. 1830. P. M. Orfilla. Practical Chemistry. 1818. Wilhelm Ostwald. Conversations on Chemistry, 1st American Ed., 1905. Samuel Parkes. Chymical Catechism, 1st American Ed., 1807. Samuel Parkes. Chemical Catechism, 11th English Ed., 1824. Almira H. Lincoln Phelps. Familiar Lectures on Chemistry, 1838. Ika Remsen. An Introduction to the Study of Chemistry, 1887,1906 Eds. John Scoffern.Chemistry no Mystery. 2nd Ed., 1848. Benjamin Silliman. Jr First Principles of Chemistry, 1847, 1852 Eds. Edwin E. Slosson. Creative Chemistry, 1921. Alexander Smith. lntroduction to General Inorganic Chemistry, 1906,Kendail's 1923,1937 Eds. Thomas Thomson. Elements of Chemistly, 1810.
istence on cultural grounds. Thus, they became increasingly autonomous and self-referential. This apparent correlation between professionalization of the discipline and ensuing standardization of textbooks, with reduced emphasis on broader cultural context is intriguing, and will be explored further elsewhere. Personal Science Joseph Black's pedagogical sentiment, which suggests that students learn best when they can identify with the personal intellectual struggles of the scientists being studied resonates with the work of contemporary philosophers and historians of science such a s Polanyi (101,Kuhn (111, Holton (121, and Brush (13). Martin and Brouwer (14) draw from their work, a s well a s from Eisner (15) and to science curricula Bruner (16).to develop a n approach . . that places g r w t importa~ircon ;I student's pcrwnal experimring ~ 1science.. ' 'l'hry employ Urunrr's d ~ s t ~ n c t i uben tween the paradigmatic andna-rrative modes of thought. As applied to science education, the highly convergent oaradiematic mode can be recoenized in the emoiricist-rationalist position of traditional school science. If used exclusivelv it often can Dresent a distorted notion of certaintv i n science. The narrative mode, by contrast, is divergent, uses literarv devices to convey meaning. and can readilv foster a n aesthetic mode of understandkg in science (15j. Martin and Brouwer suggest that authentic ~ o r t r a v a l of s science should capture t h e richness of both t h e paradigmatic and narrative modes, with the narrative mode lending itself particularly well to conveying the doubts, strnggles, and triumphs of scientists. The term "personal science" is derived from Polanyi's idea of personal knowledge, which results from the indwelling of persons in their science. Polanyi suggests that the science student acquires a tacit understanding of science through connoisseurship, obtained through a close
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the mere holding of these as known and true, in the course of which the personal participation of the knower is altogether transformed. Eventuallv the imoulse in the orieinal act. which " was a violent irreversible self-canversion assumes a form in
Personal Science in 19th Century Chernlstry Textbooks Select~onof Texts
I t was not obvious how to select a representative sample of 19th century chemistry textbooks adopted in North America for this study. The purpose was not to exhaustivelv survev the texts used. but rather to seek out those wlde.ly adop;rd ones which appeared to succeed in bringing textbook utetht. d o ~ t r i n eof Intent htut to lllnck .10. Count.r -~~ -cites t h e "disgraceful" hehavior of Lavoisier i n taking credit for Scheele's independent discovery of oxygen (411.
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mal; is no unapt representation of man, attempting to explore the internal structure ofthe earth, by digging little hales upon its surface (37).
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The preface to a book on fire chemistry by Ross includes a n society. . . .All these things contributed to the neglect of his writings, and this took away the chief incitement to the attack on Lavoisier, "who seems to have been a clever man prosecution of this ingenious theory" (47); Joyce's discusutterly devoid of honorable principle, with about as much sion of how Courtois concealed his initial discovery of iocandour a s a cat surnrisins mice" (42). The nature and ex'tent orthe ''chemical Revolution" and dine, before finally giving it up to Clement and Gay Lussac Lavoisier's role in it has been the subject of extensive re(48); and Comstock's description of chloroform, which accent scholarship. While a detailed discussion of Lavoisier's knowledges the controversy between Wells and Morton over who first employed an anaesthetic agent on patients role is outside the scope of this paper, it is clear that he 149) demonstrated intense personal dedication to his research \--,. nroaam, which he nredicted as earlv as 1773 would "brinp Some major controversies within the chemical profession ;bout a revolution ;n chemistry and physics" (43). ~ i ~ h < in the early 19th century, however, did not find their way into manv of the textbooks examined. Examnles include een vears later, reflecting on his early work. Lavoisier recalls that a t that time "1was young, i had j&t entered on controverkes over the analysis of mineral waters (50) and the relative merits of oil and coal gas lighting (51). my career in science: [and] I was h u n m for glory." LaPresentation of the personal dimension of the science apvoisier was also remembered for jealo;siy the credit for his successes, when others attributed part of the pears to fade a s the discipline becomes professionalized credit to his French collaborators: later in the 19th century. By the early part ofthe 20th century the personal dimension of chemistry is found largelv This theory is not, as I have heard it said, the theory of in texts written for a general audience,-such a s the panFrench chemists, it is mine, and i t is a property that I claim demic chemistry texts of the 1930's (52). McCutcheon arbefore my contemporaries and posterity Others, no doubt, ticulates the general approach that characterizes texthave raised it to new degrees of perfection, but no one, I hope, books for science majors by the early 20th century: will seek to deny me credit far the theory of oxidation and combustion, the analysis and the decomposition of air by the use of metals and combustible bodies, the theory of acidification, determining the exact nature of a great n"mber of acids-especially the vegetable acids, original ideas on the composition of veeetable and animal substances. land1 the theorv of resuirati&, on which Seguin eollaborated~withme(44).*
Perhaps the most poignant portrayal of intellectual passion in the textbooks examined is Robison's discussion of how Lavoisier's new theories were received in Germany, where they contradicted those of the German [master] Stahl. Using a s its source Erxleben's 1794 Introduction to Natural Philosophy, the text states: The Germans, who had been accustomed to consider themselves as the chemical teachers of Europe, could not bear to hear t h e opinions of their master, Stahl, treated with cantempt; to be told by Frenchmen, living among them for instruetion. that the orincioles of Stahl were such as no man could w n t u betuld. ~n letwri rmhrnrr who hnd n spar* ~ l ' r ~ ~ n nir,nst,; from Ft.nnrt-. t h n l tlw pr-inripl~.ol'Stohl\ra,nt,zr,ro y u o l , l u s ; a mero ror,lomplarro. n h n r y of the bmin, nhich d>sgwccd any mrn u hoanrt:rta~nrdit for n rnint.tt.:nnd to hnvc it nrldcd, w t h .saucy pollrcnrsi. dulrr r n ~ u w ~ r roul p o d llur \that moat provoked them. w n i rhr pirifgll triumphs oI'\,~rtoryin which thc Fnwch rhrmisri indulsra ihemsclvrs. Hc cays, that \rht,rl the association had finisheb their experiments on the composition and decomposition of water, which filled up all the gaps of the system, they had a solemn meeting in Paris, in which Madame Lavoisier, in the habit of a priestess, burned on an altar Stahl's Cherniae dogrnatieae et Ezperirnentalis Fundarnenta, solemn music playing a requiem. And he remarks, that, if Newton had been capable of such a childish triumph over the vortices of Des Cartes, be could never be supposed the man who wrote the
Principia (45). This historical portrayal contrasts sharply with the picture of the Lavoisiers found in most contemporary texts (see Fig. 51, which usually is accompanied by a few sentences that acknowledge his magnificent contributions to the develo~meutof chemistrv. but make him out to be a martyred iaint, with little attention paid to the real person. ~assionatelvdevoted to the develonment of the new cheGistry (46). The textbooks examined contain other onen acknowl r d p e n r s of controversies rcst.lting from the Chcmical Rrwlution d t h r nrevious renrurv. .. includine st time their intense personal dimensions. Examples incrude Robison's plea that history give more credit to the 17th century contributions of Robert Hooke, whose "temper, soured by ill usage, and by the infirmities of a most feeble and sickly constitution, made him quarrel with all his friends in the
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Finally, no effort has been made to popularize the subject. I t is believed that the science of chemistrv. when u r o ~ e r l vme-
The textbook passages referred to above give glimpses into the larger social context that helped to shaue (and was shaped by)19th century science. They also reveal some ways in which textbook format can impact on the presentation nud reception of factual mnteriai. Further cxhrnination of how thc rhtwricnl structure of chemistry tcxthooks impacts on the cultural authority of scientific knowledge is beyond the scope of this paper. This topic has been addressed in the general context of scientific writing (54) and specifically applied to biology textbooks (55)and several early chemistry texts (56). Summary and Conclusions This study finds that some chemistry textbooks of the early 19th century shared the personal dimension of science with students in their descriptions of the chemists and chemical discoveries that shaped the discipline. This was achieved in two ways: .In same textbooks, a dialogue or narrative format invited students to witness the human dimension to scientific discoveries. Descriptions of chemical discoveries and controversies often articulated a belief in the promise of new chemical technologies and portrayed the passionate commitment of chemists to new discoveries and theories.
The examples given above also show that the intellectual passion accompanying a new discovery can lead to bitter personal controversy when that discovery contradicts existing disciplinary dogma. As in the case of Madame Lavoisier donning the habit of a priestess and burning Stahl's works on a n altar, such cont~oversiescan result "a scientist trying to bring a n opponent into intellectual contempt" (57) and are certainly not to be applauded. These examples do, however, underscore that chemistry is a scientific discipline carried out by fallible humans, working in a cultural and historical context. As such, the controversies have a c lace in textbooks concerned about a more authentic po;trayal of science. I t would be a n ironic and exceedinelv simplistic twist to conclude that chemical education c a n be resuscitated by
