NEWS FOCUS
Worldwide Spread of Chemical Arms Receiving Increased Attention Iraqi use of mustard gas in 1984 has prompted international efforts to stem proliferation of chemical weapons and has clouded ongoing attempts to eliminate these weapons entirely
Lois R. Ember, C&EN Washington
A fierce battle was under way on the border marshes southeast of Baghdad, Iraq, when at high noon on a day at the end of February 1984, invading Iranians were halted in their forward trek by an Iraqi airborne assault that showered Iranians with a greasy yellow liquid. Within minutes the odor of garlic pervaded the area. Iranian troops, who wore no protective clothing, began feeling ill, some vomiting up a yellowish liquid. Their eyes began to water, their skin to itch and turn red. Iranians sent casualties to hospitals in Western Europe and Japan for treatment—and for the publicity it would garner. By the time the wounded reached the hospitals, their skin had darkened considerably, especially under the arms and around the genitals. Amber liquid-filled blisters covered their bodies. The lesions were painful, breathing was labored. In the most serious cases, white blood cell counts dropped precipitously and lesions became infected. Most of the wounded recovered; but some died, hideously disfigured by completely blackened faces. Iranians had been exposed to what Winston Churchill called "this hellish poison." By the end of 1985 about 5000 Iranians were estimated to have died from poison gas. Backed into a corner in a war it had started and couldn't win, Iraq let loose with mustard gas, a chemical agent whose use in war is outlawed by the 1925 Geneva Protocol, signed by both Iraq and Iran. Iraq's possession of chemical weapons was no surprise. Industrialized nations had quietly been charting and, just as quietly, ignoring the spread of such weapons to Third World countries. But Iraq's willingness to violate the 1925 accord by actually using them brought the U.S., the U.S.S.R., and their allies up short. This first unambiguous use of lethal chemical weapons after a 50-year lull demanded some kind of re8
April 14, 1986 C&EN
sponse. Short-circuiting the spread of chemical arms to still other countries quickly became the agenda item at meetings attended by policy makers and specialists from nations possessing those weapons or having the capability to produce them. There have been several such meetings: between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., between East and West German political parties, and on a multilateral basis in an effort headed by Australia. Chemical warfare always has been a shadowy, highly politicized topic. Intelligence has shed little light. It has been hard to obtain, difficult to assess, and generally below the quality of intelligence in other defense areas. It has made for an ideal arena in which charges and countercharges about the intended or actual use of such weapons can be freely lodged. And they have been made, generally by the two superpowers, but also by Third World nations. The inherent uncertainty about chemical weapons has by no means been cleared up by the increased attention being paid to it because of Iraqi behavior. For instance, it is still very unclear which countries beyond the U.S., the U.S.S.R., France, and now Iraq actually possess chemical weapons—and in what quantities. The U.S. puts the total today at a minimum of 15 countries. But as many as 31 have been mentioned in one context or another as having some chemical weapons capability. Uncertainties aside, the use of mustard gas (and possibly the nerve gas tabun) by Iraq has made one thing very clear: The use of such weapons of mass destruction by a Third World nation is no longer a hypothetical scenario. It is reality with major, if not entirely definable, implications for the security of every nation of the world. And those implications include the potential use of chemical weapons by subnational and terrorist groups. That Iraq turned to that most repugnant form of warfare has been confirmed—and condemned—by the United Nations. Iraqi use came 70 years after the era
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